Makassarese language
| Makasar | |
|---|---|
| Bahasa Makassar | |
| ᨅᨔ ᨆᨀᨔᨑ Basa Mangkasaraʼ | |
 | |
| Native to | Indonesia |
| Region | South Sulawesi (Sulawesi) |
| Ethnicity | Makassarese |
Native speakers | 2.1 million (2000 census)[1] |
| Dialects |
|
| Lontara (present) Latin (present) Serang (Makassar Annals, religious purpose) Old Makassarese (historical) | |
| Language codes | |
| ISO 639-2 | mak |
| ISO 639-3 | mak |
| Glottolog | maka1311 |
Makassarese (basa Mangkasaraʼ or basa Mangkasarak), sometimes called Makasar, Makassar, or Macassar, is a language of the Makassarese people, spoken in South Sulawesi province of Indonesia. It is a member of the South Sulawesi group of the Austronesian language family, and thus closely related to, among others, Buginese. The areas where Makassarese is spoken include Gowa Regency, Sinjai, Maros, Takalar, Jeneponto, Bantaeng, Pangkajene and Islands, Bulukumba, Selayar Islands, and Makassar. Within the Austronesian language family, Makassarese is part of the South Sulawesi language group, although its vocabulary is considered divergent compared to its closest relatives. Makassarese has approximately 2.1 million native speakers in 2000.
Classification[edit]
Makassarese is an Austronesian language from the South Sulawesi branch of the Malayo-Polynesian subfamily,[2] specifically the Makassaric group, which also includes the Konjo language (both Highland and Coastal varieties) and the Selayar language.[3] The Konjo and Selayar language varieties are sometimes considered dialects of Makassarese . As part of the South Sulawesi language family, Makassarese is also closely related to Bugis, Mandar, and Sa'dan (Toraja) languages.[4]
In terms of vocabulary, Makassarese is considered the most distinct among the South Sulawesi languages. The average percentage of vocabulary similarity between Makassarese and other South Sulawesi languages is only 43%.[3] Specifically, the Gowa or Lakiung dialect is the most divergent; the vocabulary similarity of this dialect with other South Sulawesi languages is about 5–10 percentage points lower compared to the vocabulary similarity of Konjo and Selayar with other South Sulawesi languages.[4] However, etymostatistical analysis and functor statistics conducted by linguist Ülo Sirk show a higher vocabulary similarity percentage (≥ 60%) between Makassarese and other South Sulawesi languages.[5] These quantitative findings support qualitative analyses that place Makassarese as part of the South Sulawesi language family.
Dialect[edit]
The language varieties within the Makassaric group form a dialect continuum, making it difficult to distinguish between languages and dialects. A language survey in South Sulawesi conducted by linguists and anthropologists Charles and Barbara Grimes separated the Konjo and Selayar languages from Makassarese . Meanwhile, a subsequent survey by linguists Timothy Friberg and Thomas Laskowske divided the Konjo language into three varieties: Coastal Konjo, Highland Konjo, and Bentong/Dentong.[6] However, in a book on Makassarese grammar published by the Center for Language Development and Cultivation, local linguist Abdul Kadir Manyambeang and his team include the Konjo and Selayar varieties as dialects of Makassarese.[7]
Excluding the Konjo and Selayar varieties, Makassarese can be divided into at least three dialects: 1) the Gowa or Lakiung dialect, 2) the Jeneponto or Turatea dialect, and 3) the Bantaeng dialect. The main differences among these dialects and languages within the Makassar group lie in vocabulary; their grammatical structures are generally quite similar. Speakers of the Gowa dialect tend to switch to Indonesian when communicating with speakers of the Bantaeng dialect or with speakers of the Konjo and Selayar languages, and vice versa. The Gowa dialect is generally considered the prestige variety of Makassarese. As the dialect spoken in the central region, the Gowa dialect is also commonly used by speakers of other dialects or varieties within the Makassaric group.[8]
Distribution[edit]
According to a demographic study based on the 2010 census data, about 1.87 million Indonesians over the age of five speak Makassarese as their mother tongue. Nationally, Makassarese is among the 20 languages with the most speakers, ranking 16th. Makassar is also the second most spoken language in Sulawesi after Bugis, which has over 3.5 million speakers.[9][10]
The Makassar language is primarily spoken by the Makassarese people,[11] although a small percentage (1.89%) of the Bugis people also use it as their mother tongue.[12] Makassarese speakers are concentrated in the southwestern peninsula of South Sulawesi, particularly in the fertile coastal areas around Makassar, Gowa Regency, and Takalar Regency. The language is also spoken by some residents of Maros Regency and Pangkajene and Islands Regency to the north, alongside the Bugis language. Residents of Jeneponto and Bantaeng Regencies generally identify themselves as part of the Makassarese-speaking community, although the varieties they speak (the Jeneponto or Turatea dialect and the Bantaeng dialect) differ significantly from the dialects used in Gowa and Takalar. The closely related Konjo language is spoken in the mountainous areas of Gowa and along the coast of Bulukumba Regency, while the Selayar language is spoken on Selayar Island to the south of the peninsula.
Current Status[edit]
Makassarese is one of the relatively well-developed regional languages in Indonesia.[10] It is still widely used in rural areas and parts of Makassar. Makassarese is also considered important as a marker of ethnic identity. However, in urban communities, code-switching or code-mixing between Makassar and Indonesian is common. Some urban Makassar residents, especially those from the middle class or with multiethnic backgrounds, also use Indonesian as the primary language in their households.[13] Ethnologue classifies Makassar as a 6b (Threatened) language on the EGIDS scale, indicating that although the language is still commonly used in face-to-face conversations, the natural intergenerational transmission or teaching of the language is beginning to be disrupted.
Phonology[edit]
The following description of Makassarese phonology is based on Jukes (2005).[14]
Vowels[edit]
Makassarese has five vowels: /a/, /e/, /i/, /o/, /u/. The mid vowels are lowered to [ɛ] and [ɔ] in absolute final position and in the vowel sequences /ea/ and /oa/.
| Front | Central | Back | |
|---|---|---|---|
| Close | i | u | |
| Mid | e | o | |
| Open | a |
The vowel phoneme /e/ tends to be realized as the open-mid vowel [ɛ] when it is at the end of a word or before a syllable containing the sound [ɛ]. Compare, for instance, the pronunciation of /e/ in the word leʼbaʼ [ˈleʔ.baʔ] 'already' with mange [ˈma.ŋɛ] 'go to'. The phoneme /o/ also has an open-mid allophone [ɔ] when it is at the end of a word or precedes a syllable containing the sound [ɔ], as seen in the word lompo [ˈlɔ̃m.pɔ] 'big' (compare with órasaʼ [ˈo.ra.saʔ] 'heavy'). Regardless of their position within a word, some speakers tend to pronounce these two vowels with a higher (closer) tongue position, making their pronunciation approach that of the phonemes /i/ and /u/.
Vowels can be pronounced nasally when they are around nasal consonants within the same syllable. There are two levels of nasalization intensity for vowels: strong nasalization and weak nasalization. Weak nasalization can be found on vowels before nasal consonants that are not at the end of a word. Strong nasalization can be found on vowels before final nasal consonants or generally after nasal consonants. Nasalization can spread to vowels in syllables after nasal vowels if there are no consonants blocking it. However, the intensity of nasalization in vowels like this is not as strong as in the vowels before them, as in the pronunciation of the word "niaʼ" [ni͌.ãʔ] 'there is'.[16]
Consonants[edit]
There are 17 consonants in Makassarese , as outlined in the following table.
| Labial | Alveolar | Palatal | Velar | Glottal | ||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Nasal | m | n | ɲ | ŋ | ||
| Plosive | voiceless | p | t | c | k | ʔ |
| voiced | b | d | ɟ | ɡ | ||
| Fricative | s | h | ||||
| Semivowel | j | w | ||||
| Lateral | l | |||||
| Trill | r | |||||
Makassarese consonants except the glottal stop and voiced plosives can be geminated. Some instances of these might result from Proto-Malayo-Polynesian schwa phoneme *ə (now merged into a), which left gemination into the following consonant (*bəli → *bəlli → balli "to buy, price", compare Indonesian beli, contrasting with Makassarese bali "to oppose").[17]
- /ɲ/ is written ⟨ny⟩ before a vowel, ⟨n⟩ before ⟨c⟩ and ⟨j⟩
- /ŋ/ is written ⟨ng⟩
- /ɟ/ is written ⟨j⟩
- /j/ is written ⟨y⟩
- /h/ only occurs in loanwords
- The glottal stop /ʔ/ only occurs in syllable-final position. It is written as ⟨k⟩ in the orthography promoted as the standard by the government and based on the practice in Indonesian, as an apostrophe ⟨ʼ⟩ in other orthographic standards, sometimes as ⟨q⟩ in academical writing, or not written at all in informal writing.
The phoneme /t/ is the only consonant with a dental pronunciation, unlike the phonemes /n d s l r/, which are alveolar consonants. The voiceless plosive phonemes /p t k/ are generally pronounced with slight aspiration (a flow of air), as in the words "katte" [ˈkat̪.t̪ʰɛ] 'we', "lampa" [ˈlam.pʰa] 'go', and "kana" [ˈkʰa.nã] 'say'. The phonemes /b/ and /d/ have implosive allophones [ɓ] and [ɗ], especially in word-initial positions, such as in "balu" [ˈɓa.lu] 'widow', and after the sound [ʔ], as in "aʼdoleng" [aʔ.ˈɗo.lẽŋ] 'to let hang'. These two consonants, especially /b/ in word-initial positions, can also be realized as voiceless consonants without aspiration. The palatal phoneme /c/ can be realized as an affricate (a stop sound with a release of fricative) [cç] or even [tʃ]. The phoneme /ɟ/ can also be pronounced as an affricate [ɟʝ]. Jukes analyzes both of these consonants as stop consonants because they have palatal nasal counterparts /ɲ/, just as other oral stop consonants have their own nasal counterparts.
Phonotactics[edit]
The basic structure of syllables in Makassarese is (K1)V(K2). The position of K1 can be filled by almost any consonant, while the position of K2 has some limitations. In syllables located at the end of a morpheme, K2 can be filled by a stop sound (K) or a nasal sound (N), the pronunciation of which is determined by some assimilation rules. The sound K assimilates (pronounced as the same consonant) with voiceless consonants except [h] and is realized as [ʔ] in other contexts. The sound N is realized as a homorganic nasal sound (pronounced at the same articulation place) before a stop or nasal consonant, assimilates with the consonants /l/ and /s/, and is realized as [ŋ] in other contexts. On the other hand, in syllables within root forms, the Makassar language contrasts an additional sound in the K2 position besides K and N, which is /r/. This analysis is based on the fact that Makassarese distinguishes between the sequences [nr], [ʔr], and [rr] across syllables. However, [rr] can also be considered as the realization of a geminate segment rather than a sequence across syllables.
The sounds /s l r/ can be categorized as non-nasal continuous (sounds produced without fully obstructing the flow of air through the mouth) consonants, and none of them can occupy the final position of a syllable except as part of a geminate consonant sequence. Basic words that actually end with these consonants will be appended with an epenthetic vowel identical to the vowel in the preceding syllable, and closed with a glottal stop consonant [ʔ], as in the words ótereʼ /oter/ 'rope', bótoloʼ /botol/ 'bottle', and rántasaʼ /rantas/ 'dirty'. This additional element is also referred to as the "VK-gem" (echo-VC) sequence, and it can affect the position of stress within a word.
Generally, base words in Makassarese consist of two or three syllables. However, longer words can be formed due to the agglutinative nature of Makassarese and the highly productive reduplication process. According to Jukes, words with six or seven syllables are commonly found in Makassarese, while base words with just one syllable (that are not borrowed from other languages) are very rare, although there are some interjections and particles consisting of only one syllable.
All consonants except for /ʔ/ can appear in initial position. In final position, only /ŋ/ and /ʔ/ are found.
Consonant clusters only occur medially and (with one exception) can be analyzed as clusters of /ŋ/ or /ʔ/ + consonant. These clusters also arise through sandhi across morpheme boundaries.
| nasal/lateral | voiceless obstruents | voiced stops + r | |||||||||||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| m | n | ɲ | ŋ | l | p | t | c | k | s | b | d | ɟ | ɡ | r | |
| /ŋ/ | mm | nn | ɲɲ | ŋŋ | ll | mp | nt | ɲc | ŋk | ns | mb | nd | ɲɟ | ŋg | nr |
| /ʔ/ | ʔm | ʔn | ʔɲ | ʔŋ | ʔl | pp | tt | cc | kk | ss | ʔb | ʔd | ʔɟ | ʔg | ʔr |
The geminate cluster /rr/ is only found in root-internal position and cannot be accounted for by the above rules.
Sequences of like vowels are contracted to a single vowel, e.g. sassa 'to wash' + -ang 'nominalizing suffix' > sassáng 'laundry', caʼdi 'small' + -i 'third person' > caʼdi 'it is small'.
Stress[edit]
The stress is generally placed on the penultimate (second from the end) syllable of a base word. In reduplicated words, secondary stress will be placed on the first element, as in the word "ammèkang-mékang" /amˌmekaŋˈmekaŋ/ 'to fish (casually)'. Suffixes are generally counted as part of the phonological unit receiving stress, while enclitics are not counted (extrametrical). For example, the word "gássing" 'strong', if added with the benefactive suffix -ang, becomes "gassíngang" 'stronger than' with stress on the penultimate syllable, but if given the first-person marker enclitic =aʼ, it becomes "gássingaʼ" 'I am strong', with stress on the antepenultimate syllable (third from the end).
Other morphemes counted as part of the stress-bearing unit include the affixal clitic [h], marking possession, as in the word "tedóng≡ku" (buffalo≡1.poss) 'my buffalo'. Particularly for the definite marker ≡a, this morpheme is counted as part of the stress-bearing unit only if the base word it attaches to ends in a vowel, as in the word "batúa" 'that stone'—compare with the stress pattern in "kóngkonga" 'that dog', where the base word ends in a consonant. A word can have stress on the fourth-from-last syllable if it is appended with a two-syllable enclitic combination such as =mako (=ma pfv =ko 2), for example: "náiʼmako" 'go up!'. The stress position can also be influenced by the process of vocalic degemination, where identical vowels across morphemes merge into one. For example, the word "jappa" 'walk' when added with the suffix -ang becomes "jappáng" 'to walk with', with stress on the ultimate (final) syllable.
The stress on base words with VK-geminate always falls on the antepenultimate syllable, for example, "lápisiʼ" 'layer', "bótoloʼ" 'bottle', "pásaraʼ", and "Mangkásaraʼ" 'Makassar', because syllables with VK-geminate are extrametrical. However, the addition of suffixes -ang and -i will remove this epenthetic syllable and move the stress to the penultimate position, as in the word "lapísi" 'to layer'. Adding the possessive clitic suffix also shifts the stress to the penultimate position but does not remove this epenthetic syllable, as in the word "botolóʼna" 'its bottle'. Meanwhile, the addition of the definite marker and enclitics neither remove nor alter the stress position of this syllable, as in the words "pásaraka" 'that market' and "appásarakaʼ" 'I'm going to the market'.
Grammar[edit]
Pronouns[edit]
Personal pronouns in the Makassar language have three forms, namely 1) free forms, 2) proclitics that cross-reference S and P arguments ('absolutive'), and 3) enclitics that cross-reference A arguments ('ergative'). The following table shows these three forms of pronouns along with possessive markers for each series.
| Glos | Free pronouns
(PRO) |
Proclitic
(ERG) |
Enclitic
(ABS) |
Possessive marker
(POSS) |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| 1 | (i)nakke | ku= | =aʼ | ≡ku |
| 1PL.INCL/2POL | (i)katte | ki= | =kiʼ | ≡ta |
| 1PL.EXCL | †(i)kambe | – | *=kang | †≡mang |
| 2FAM | (i)kau | nu= | =ko | ≡nu |
| 3 | ia | na= | =i | ≡na |
The first person plural inclusive pronouns are also used to refer to the second person plural and serve as a form of respect for the second person singular. The first person plural pronoun series ku= is commonly used to refer to the first person plural in modern Makassar language; pronouns kambe and possessive marker ≡mang are considered archaic, while the enclitic =kang can only appear in combination with clitic markers of modality and aspect, such as =pakang (=pa ipf =kang 1pl.excl). The plural meaning can be expressed more clearly by adding the word "ngaseng" 'all' after the free form, for example, ia–ngaseng 'they all' and ikau–ngaseng 'you all', or before the enclitic, for example, ngaseng=i 'they all'. However, ngaseng cannot be paired with proclitics.
Writing Systems[edit]
Although Makassarese is now often written in Latin script, it is still widely written using Lontara script, which once was used also to write important documents in Bugis and Mandar, two related languages from Sulawesi.
2. Lontara script
3. Serang Alphabet
4. Latin alphabet
Examples[edit]
Some common words/phrases in the Makasar language, transcribed in the Latin script, are as follows (ʼ = glottal stop):
| Lontara | Romanized | Indonesian | Translation |
|---|---|---|---|
| ᨈᨕᨘ | tau | orang | people |
| ᨄᨎᨗᨀᨗ | paʼnyiki | kelelawar | bat |
| ᨕᨑᨙ | areng | nama | name |
| ᨕᨊ | anaʼ | anak | child |
| ᨔᨙᨑᨙ᨞ ᨑᨘᨓ᨞ ᨈᨒᨘ᨞ ᨕᨄ᨞ ᨒᨗᨆ᨞ | seʼre, rua, tallu, appaʼ, lima | satu, dua, tiga, empat, lima | one, two, three, four, five |
| ᨅᨕᨗᨊᨙ | baine | perempuan, istri | female, woman, wife |
| ᨅᨘᨑᨊᨙ | buraʼne | lelaki, suami | male, man, husband |
| ᨈᨅᨙ | tabeʼ | permisi, maaf | excuse me, sorry |
| ᨈᨕᨙᨊ, ᨈᨙᨊ, ᨈᨑᨙ | taena, tena, tanreʼ | tiada | none, nothing |
| ᨒᨙᨅ | leʼbaʼ | telah | already |
| ᨔᨒᨆᨀᨗ ᨅᨈᨘ ᨆᨕᨙ | salamakkiʼ battu mae | selamat datang | welcome |
| ᨕᨄ ᨕᨈᨘ ᨆᨕᨙ ᨀᨅᨑ? | apa antu mae kabaraʼ? | apa kabar? | how are you? |
| ᨅᨍᨗᨅᨍᨗᨍᨗ | bajiʼ-bajiʼji | baik-baik saja | I am fine |
| ᨊᨕᨗ ᨕᨑᨙᨊᨘ? | nai arenta? | siapa namamu? | what's your name? |
| ᨒᨀᨙᨑᨙᨀᨗ ᨆᨕᨙ? ᨒᨀᨙᨀᨗ ᨆᨕᨙ? ᨒᨀᨙᨆᨕᨗᨀᨗ? |
lakereki mae?, lakekimae?, lakemaeki? |
kamu mau ke mana? | where are you going? |
| ᨀᨙᨑᨙ ᨆᨕᨙᨀᨗ ᨕᨆᨈ | kere maekiʼ ammantang? | kamu tinggal di mana? | where do you live? |
| ᨔᨗᨐᨄᨆᨗ ᨕᨘᨆᨘᨑᨘᨈ? | siapami umuruʼta? | berapa usiamu? | how old are you? |
| ᨔᨒᨆᨀᨗ ᨑᨗ ᨆᨂᨙᨕᨈᨙ | salamakkiʼ ri mangeanta | selamat sampai tujuan | have a safe trip |
| ᨔᨒᨆᨀᨗ ᨑᨗ ᨒᨄᨈ | salamakkiʼ ri lampanta | selamat tinggal | goodbye |
| ᨅᨈᨘ ᨑᨗ ᨀᨈᨙ | battu ri katte | tergantung padamu | it depends on you |
Historical Script[edit]
Makassarese was historically written using Makasar script (also known as "Old Makassarese" or "Makassarese bird script" in English-language scholarly works).[19] In Makassarese the script is known as ukiriʼ jangang-jangang or huruf jangang-jangang ('bird letters'). It was used for official purposes in the kingdoms of Makasar in the 17th century but ceased to be used by the 19th century, being replaced by Lontara script.
In spite of their quite distinctive appearance, both the Makasar and Lontara scripts are derived from the ancient Brahmi script of India. Like other descendants of that script, each consonant has an inherent vowel "a", which is not marked. Other vowels can be indicated by adding diacritics above, below, or on either side of each consonant.
Further, Makassarese was written in the Serang script, a variant of the Arabic-derived Jawi script. Texts written in the Serang script are relatively rare, and mostly appear in connection with Islam-related topics. Parts of the Makassar Annals, the chronicles of the Gowa and Tallo' kingdoms, were also written using the Serang script.[17]
See also[edit]
Further reading[edit]
- Tabain, Marija and Jukes, Anthony (2016). "Makasar". Illustrations of the IPA. Journal of the International Phonetic Association. 46 (1): 111–99. doi:10.1017/S002510031500033X
{{cite journal}}: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link), with supplementary sound recordings.
References[edit]
- ^ Makasar at Ethnologue (18th ed., 2015) (subscription required)
- ^ Smith (2017), pp. 443–444.
- ^ a b Grimes & Grimes (1987), pp. 25–29.
- ^ a b Jukes (2005), p. 649.
- ^ Sirk (1989), pp. 72–73.
- ^ Friberg & Laskowske (1989), p. 3.
- ^ Manyambeang, Mulya & Nasruddin (1996), pp. 2–4.
- ^ Jukes (2020), p. 20.
- ^ Ananta et al. (2015), p. 278.
- ^ a b Tabain & Jukes (2016), p. 99.
- ^ Ananta et al. (2015), p. 280.
- ^ Ananta et al. (2015), p. 292.
- ^ Jukes (2020), p. 30.
- ^ Jukes, Anthony, "Makassar" in K. Alexander Adelaar & Nikolaus Himmelmann, 2005, The Austronesian languages of Asia and Madagascar, pp. 649-682, London, Routledge ISBN 0-7007-1286-0
- ^ Jukes (2020), p. 85.
- ^ Jukes (2020), p. 90.
- ^ a b Jukes, Anthony (2020). A Grammar of Makasar: A Language of South Sulawesi, Indonesia. Leiden & Boston: BRILL. ISBN 978-90-04-41266-8.
- ^ Jukes (2020), p. 171.
- ^ Pandey, Anshuman (2015-11-02). "L2/15-233: Proposal to encode the Makasar script in Unicode" (PDF).
External links[edit]
- Makassar pronunciation and alphabet at Omniglot
- Lontara and Makassar scripts
- Lontara Alphabet in Unicode
- http://unicode-table.com/en/sections/buginese/
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